When leaders go silent in a crisis, the void doesn’t soothe—it screams. That uncomfortable truth hung over the second day of the Nigeria Union of Journalists’ National Security Summit in Abuja, where senior security officials were notably absent. Their empty chairs left participants wondering: Were they dodging tough questions about illegal mining fueling banditry? Or the allegations that some retired and serving security personnel are entangled in the country’s spiraling insecurity? Could they have feared being pressed on whether the political will exists to confront these challenges, especially when some financiers and sponsors remain untouchable? And what about the resurgence of mass abductions, particularly in schools, spreading beyond traditional hotspots—are these attacks driven by politics or profit?
No evidence supports these suspicions, but insecurity thrives in the shadows of secrecy. The summit, themed “Media and Security Agencies as Partners in Nation Building,” was designed to bridge the gap between two institutions whose paths constantly cross. The opening day drew a robust crowd of journalists, academics, security personnel, and government officials, with Information Minister Mohammed Idris Malagi lending weight to proceedings. Discussions centered on strategic communication, responsible journalism, and collaboration.
But the second day—the technical session focused on national security—told a different story. The security chiefs whose agencies were central to the conversation were absent, many not even sending representatives. Ironically, their input could have enriched the discussions. Keynote speaker Musikilu Mojeed, President of the International Press Institute Nigeria, delivered a detailed paper on media-security tensions, referencing the controversial 2014 incident where security operatives intercepted newspaper distribution vehicles.
What Mojeed likely didn’t know was that one of the key players from that era, former Director of Defence Information Major General Chris Olukolade (rtd), was quietly seated in the back with former Director of Naval Information Commodore Kabir Aliyu (rtd). Olukolade, now Chairman of the Centre for Crisis Communication, rarely revisits old controversies. But this time, he felt compelled to speak. He explained that during Goodluck Jonathan’s administration, security agencies were grappling with evolving terrorist tactics, including intelligence about insurgents using unconventional methods to move weapons. More importantly, he revealed that the security command later acknowledged public concerns and apologized. Lessons were learned, safeguards were put in place, and as he put it, “dialogue often achieves what assumptions cannot.”
I was also invited to share my perspective. Rather than dwell on disagreements, I highlighted examples of productive collaboration through the Forum of Spokespersons of Security and Response Agencies (FOSSRA), an initiative once chaired by Olukolade and later by the late Major General Abubakar Rabe. I recalled editors who placed national interest above sensational headlines. In June 2013, a senior editor at ThisDay, Ijeoma Nwogwugwu, received a late-night request from military authorities about a word in a report on insurgency operations. Publishing it could jeopardize an ongoing mission. After reviewing the implications, the newspaper agreed and made the adjustment. The operation was a success.
In May 2014, I visited Premium Times’ headquarters after a report on an alleged mutiny by soldiers in Borno State. I appealed to the leadership to replace “mutiny” with “protest” due to the severe legal implications under military law. Managing Editor Musikilu Mojeed listened with understanding, but the story had already spread. Some soldiers were later convicted of mutiny. Similarly, in February 2015, Daily Trust Bureau Chief Hamza Idris filed what seemed like a routine report. Security officials flagged it as potentially exposing troop movements. The editorial team sacrificed a front-page lead for national security.
That same year, two Nigerian journalists working for foreign media were briefly detained in a Borno hotel—an action taken for their safety, though widely misunderstood. During major anti-insurgency operations, senior media executives were routinely briefed. And despite criticisms of Sahara Reporters’ style, its publisher, Omoyele Sowore, often showed genuine concern for national security. The trust and confidentiality that defined those engagements were attested to by then NGE President Femi Adesina and Dean of Bureau Chiefs Yusuf Alli.
This cooperation, supported by inter-agency coordination through FOSSRA, helped reduce conflict and contributed to recovering dozens of towns from terrorist control ahead of the 2015 election. But FOSSRA was abandoned under the Buhari administration. NSA Nuhu Ribadu later revived it with the Centre for Crisis Communication as technical partner, only to see it undermined by unprofessional insiders.
These examples show that media-security relations haven’t always been hostile. There have been countless instances of cooperation, understanding, and mutual respect. That’s why the absence of serving security chiefs from the summit’s second day was so disappointing. It was a rare opportunity for frank conversations, confidence-building, and institutional learning. The communiqué issued at the end, signed by NUJ President Alhassan Yahaya Abdullahi, captured many of the concerns raised. Participants reaffirmed that national security and sustainable development depend on strong, transparent, and accountable partnerships among the media, security agencies, government institutions, and citizens.
Next time an invitation is extended, it’s expected that they will honor it—especially when it comes from a trusted ally whose partnership is vital to national security.
