Prof. Abubakar Suleiman, a former Minister of National Planning and Director‑General of the National Institute for Legislative and Democratic Studies (the academic arm of the National Assembly), discusses with Leke Baiyewu the cost of running the National Assembly, governors’ influence, and other legislative issues.
He notes that the National Assembly is often labeled “the most expensive parliament in the world.” While some argue that democracy itself is costly, singling out the legislature as overly expensive is misleading. A common perception in Nigeria is that the National Assembly “takes all our money.” This misconception fuels the belief that a bicameral system is unnecessary. Suleiman seeks to debunk this view with facts. He asks, “Which money are we talking about?” and points out that the remuneration and welfare package—often called “jumbo pay”—is modest compared to executive allowances. As a former minister, his total remuneration, including salary and allowances, was under N1 million, and he did not enjoy the extensive vehicle allocations that some senators receive. Moreover, ministers of key portfolios such as Works, Petroleum Resources, Defence, Transportation, or Finance control far larger budgets—up to N1 trillion—than the entire National Assembly, which receives less than N300 billion from a federal budget of over N22 trillion. Thus, the executive, not the legislature, handles the bulk of public funds.
Suleiman explains how the N250 billion allocated to the National Assembly is divided between recurrent and capital expenditures and is shared among four agencies—the National Assembly Service Commission, Public Complaints Commission, NILDS, and the National Assembly Budget and Research Office—plus the parliamentary administration and the legislators themselves. Oversight activities, overseas training, and other operational costs are all covered by this budget. He argues that accusations of extravagance should be directed at those who control the much larger N20 trillion, not at a body that manages a fraction of that amount.
When asked whether the National Assembly is underfunded, Suleiman points out that effective oversight of agencies such as the NDDC requires more than a N3 million allocation for logistics, accommodation, and transport. Adequate recurrent funding and support staff reduce the risk of legislators being vulnerable to executive intimidation and corruption. Proper resourcing, he says, ensures legislators can perform their duties without undue influence.
Regarding the justification for a bicameral legislature, Suleiman traces its origins to Nigeria’s founders, who recognized the country’s ethnic, religious, and regional diversity. A two‑chamber system promotes inclusivity: the Senate ensures equity among states, while the House of Representatives allows deeper representation of various communities. Eliminating either chamber would exacerbate existing tensions over inclusion, marginalisation, and state creation. The financial cost of maintaining both houses is negligible compared to executive spending, and the focus should be on making the legislature more responsive, effective, and efficient.
Suleiman dismisses the idea of a part‑time legislature, arguing that lawmaking extends far beyond plenary sessions to weekly committee work, training, and continuous oversight. Nigeria’s challenges—fuel scarcity, security, and economic woes—require legislators to work around the clock, not on a part‑time basis. He stresses that calls for part‑time lawmakers trivialise the nation’s governance problems.
On the influence of governors, Suleiman identifies them as a major obstacle to legislative independence. Governors often manipulate party primaries, use state resources to sway votes, and oppose constitutional reforms such as local‑government autonomy, state police, and legislative independence. Their control over resources enables them to undermine local governments and manipulate turnover in the National Assembly. He cites examples where experienced, high‑performing legislators were replaced by less qualified candidates due to gubernatorial interference, and where former governors seek Senate seats as “retirement homes.” Suleiman advocates for constitutional or legislative measures to prevent governors from turning the Senate into a post‑governorship sanctuary.
Concerning term limits, Suleiman argues that while experience is valuable, unlimited tenure can block fresh ideas. Nigeria should not adopt the U.S. or U.K. model of indefinite re‑election; instead, a convention of rotation—perhaps limiting service to four or five terms—would balance expertise with renewal. He does not favour a strict legal cap but suggests that democratic evolution and political understanding will eventually shape appropriate norms.
Assessing lawmakers’ performance, Suleiman notes that the public often expects constituency projects alongside lawmaking. A 2019 NILDS survey found that while 60 % of respondents view lawmaking as a core duty, many also demand tangible benefits such as roads, water, schools, or direct financial assistance. He contends that true legislative effectiveness should be measured by contributions to lawmaking (debates, motions, bills), oversight (investigative scrutiny of MDAs), and representation (delivering projects and advocating for constituents). Committees, especially the Public Accounts Committee, play a crucial role in these functions.
Finally, Suleiman outlines the role and achievements of the National Institute for Legislative and Democratic Studies (NILDS). Created by an Act of Parliament in 2011 (originally the National Institute for Legislative Studies) and renamed in 2018, NILDS serves as a capacity‑building think‑tank for parliamentarians, staff, political parties, NGOs, and the electorate. It offers induction, technical assistance, research, and training for legislators at federal, state, and local levels. Over the past seven years, NILDS has expanded from four to nine departments, conducted postgraduate programmes in affiliation with the University of Benin (including LLM, Master’s in Party Politics and Election Management, Legislative Drafting, and Official Reporting), and trained thousands of legislators and staff. While not mandatory, NILDS encourages lawmakers to obtain certification to enhance their legislative skills, emphasizing that effective lawmaking requires specialised knowledge beyond a general university degree.
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