Across Oyo, Borno, Kebbi, Katsina, Kwara, Zamfara, and Niger, a terrifying wave of kidnappings has gripped the nation. Human beings are being stolen like objects, fueling a fresh outcry from lawmakers, governors, and citizens for the creation of state police. The argument is simple: a decentralized police force would bring the government closer to its fundamental duty of protecting lives and property. Amnesty International reports that at least 1,100 people were abducted in northern Nigeria alone between January and April. The International Centre for Investigative Reporting, citing the Community of Practice Against Mass Atrocities, puts the total number of abducted persons since 2019 at 23,000. The real figure is certainly higher. No human being should be stolen in a country with a functioning government. Nigerians want to feel safe in their own land. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has acknowledged the cost and pain of insecurity, vowing to make a difference with purpose.
But the problem seems insurmountable. The criminals behind this enterprise are resilient, often linked to a global jihadist network. In late May, the Oyo State governor urgently called for state police after 45 people—teachers and students, some as young as two—were abducted on May 15. He accused the federal government of deceiving Nigerians. The growing epidemic of insecurity points to state failure, abdication of responsibility, and the helplessness of the people, even as security agencies occasionally report their best efforts. The armed forces, already overstretched, have been drawn into police work.
The police are completely overwhelmed. Bandits and terrorists, who have turned human beings into commodities for ransom, show greater determination than our security forces. Some communities have formed their own militias and vigilante groups. Others have abandoned their homes and farms. This is how bad it has become. Nigerians now provide their own water, with boreholes in almost every home. They generate their own electricity because the reform process has failed; when power is available, bills are high, and many communities have no supply at all. In urban streets, the hum of generators is constant. A few families install solar panels, but poorly installed ones cause fires. The easiest way to live in Nigeria is to become a local government unto yourself. Many compatriots are stranded abroad or planning to flee as illegal immigrants, just to experience a society where basic necessities are taken for granted. Once in London, I ironed my clothes for the next day, fearing a power cut. Nigeria has a bad way of following us everywhere. But the saddest part is the degeneration of our communities into killing fields and the spread of ungoverned spaces.
Terrorists and bandits now advertise their evil on social media. They respect no one and no place, covering the territory from north to south. About seven generals have been abducted, including Major General Idris Alkali, Air Marshal Alex Badeh, Major General Peter Ademokhai, Major General Edet Akpan, Brigadier General Maharazu Tsiga, former NYSC director general, and recently General Rabe Abubakar, former director of defence information, kidnapped with his wife on their way to a wedding in Katsina. Also taken are Major Joe Ajayi and Colonel Joseph Ajanaku. At this rate, it won’t be long before terrorists storm a government house and kidnap a sitting governor.
Would state police help? This conversation is not new. Each time kidnappings and banditry surge, the debate returns to state police, until it fades and we move on. During the 2014 National Political Conference convened by the Goodluck Jonathan administration, delegates approved state police, allowing states to establish, finance, and control their own forces within their jurisdictions, while the federal police focus on federal offences. Advocates argue this aligns with federalism. Professor Kemi Rotimi, author of “The Police in a Federal State: The Nigerian Experience,” notes that Nigeria should reintroduce federalist policing principles from pre-1966, not just state police. Before the 1966 military coup, native authority police forces existed in the Northern and Western regions. The Benin Division had local government police until 1963. All such structures lost independence in 1966, placed under a central inspector general through Decrees No. 1 and No. 34 of 1966. The centralization by the Aguiyi-Ironsi government was unpopular, but its legacy lives in Sections 214-216 of the 1999 Constitution. To create state police or return to federalist models, the constitution must be amended as per Section 9.
In July 2018, the 8th National Assembly attempted this when Senator Ike Ekweremadu tabled a State Police Bill. It sought a dual-tier structure: federal and state police, with bodies like the National Police Service Commission and State Police Commission. The bill passed first reading in the Senate, with support from 75 of 109 senators. A similar bill in the House reached second reading. Senate President Bukola Saraki met with state assembly speakers to secure concurrence, as Section 9 requires a four-fifths majority in both chambers and approval from two-thirds of state assemblies. The bill failed due to fears of abuse by governors, lack of funding, and insufficient safeguards. Ekweremadu proposed establishing state police within ten days if political will existed. Eight years later, we are still on the same subject.
President Tinubu has consistently advocated state police to strengthen security. State governors have been on board since 2018 when the Nigeria Governors’ Forum endorsed it. In March 2024, 16 governors submitted memos calling for a constitutional review. In December 2024, the National Economic Council reported all 36 governors endorsed state police. In March 2026, the governors’ forum formally submitted proposals to the National Security Adviser and National Assembly. Inspector General of Police Tunji Disu followed with a 75-page operational framework and a seven-member committee. Two months later, the National Assembly announced it would begin the amendment process from Tuesday, June 9, 2026. Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele says there will be no further delay in transmitting the bill to all 36 states. This should be one of the most debated bills in Nigeria’s history, moving policing from the Exclusive to the Concurrent Legislative List. Can it be done in ten days as Ekweremadu proposed? Is the timing right during election season? Are all governors as committed as they claim? Or will this effort end like the others?
One major opponent is Mohammed Bello Adoke, former attorney general, who argues that Nigeria’s democratic structures are not mature enough for decentralized policing. He believes the police should remain federal to prevent regional fragmentation, weaponization by governors, and proliferation of local armies. He insists the time is not yet ripe. Retired police officers often push for community policing, decentralized commands, mass recruitment, and better welfare. Many are guilty of territorialism and a guardian syndrome; they cannot imagine a different police force. Those fearing abuse are many, but optimists believe challenges can be addressed. The bottom line is for governors to have a say in protecting their people. But how many current governors are truly enthusiastic beyond making politically correct statements? They must show more concern and become strong advocates for peace with uncommon passion.
In 2016, then Ekiti State Governor Ayo Fayose declared war against herdsmen attacking his people. He told them, “Everything you need me to do, I will do. The moment you are not secure, I better resign. Nobody will take Ekiti away from us. This killing must stop. It is deliberate, and we must take all actions to stop it. A fight against one Ekiti man is a fight against everybody. The President must rise to the challenge. When they defeat you, they go to the next community. This is Ekitiparapo war, and it must be fought with the totality of our spirit. I stand by you.” Ten years later, his words still ring true. He joined security agents to chase bandits into thick forests. Current governors may have established security outfits and vigilante groups, but managing state police will require greater commitment. Another passionate governor was the late Rotimi Akeredolu of Ondo State, who created the Western Nigeria Security Network, Operation Amotekun. He personally led the operation, recruited forest guards, and wore the Amotekun uniform with pride. When the Buhari administration opposed Amotekun, Akeredolu stood firm.
If the plan succeeds, groups like Amotekun in the Southwest, Ebube Agu in the Southeast, Operation Crush in Akwa Ibom, Anambra Vigilante Group, Benue Volunteer Guards, and Civilian Joint Task Forces in the North should be integrated. The proposals should be made public for collective scrutiny to promote transparency and ownership. This is election season, and many lawmakers who should consider this bill lost out during party primaries. They are distracted and aggrieved. This may well be the major stumbling block this time.
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