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How did PDP expect to win?

The most significant surprise from last Saturday’s presidential election was the Labour Party’s Peter Obi’s remarkable victory in Lagos and […]

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The most significant surprise from last Saturday’s presidential election was the Labour Party’s Peter Obi’s remarkable victory in Lagos and various other regions of the country. Obi was destined to make a statement on Nigeria’s political landscape, but he ended up triggering a wave of change that notably disrupted the 24-year dominance of Lagos by the All Progressives Congress (APC) candidate and now President-elect, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu. This achievement marked the end of over two decades of political control in the state, a feat that even the once-powerful People’s Democratic Party (PDP) failed to accomplish during its glory days in power. While many realists believed that Mr. Obi was unlikely to win the presidency under the prevailing circumstances, the palpable wind of change his candidacy represented resonated across the nation. He was expected to make an impact primarily in the South-East and a few other areas, but he exceeded all expectations, thanks to the support of the Nigerian populace, particularly the youth and working class.

According to data from the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), individuals aged 18 to 45 make up about 75 percent of currently registered voters. Obi and his party capitalized on this demographic, along with a significant number of impoverished Nigerians, to secure his presidential bid. However, it is essential to recognize that neither the youth nor the working class possesses a uniform philosophy regarding Nigeria. All candidates in the election attracted youthful and working-class supporters who were not necessarily aligned with Obi’s vision. Therefore, it is presumptuous to assume that every youth, worker, Christian, Muslim, or any other group would support a candidate simply because some members of their demographic did. Nonetheless, this election offers valuable lessons. Over the past 23 years, Nigerians have gained a clearer understanding of their power to shape their future. The widespread influence of the Labour Party and the diminishing authority of many state governors, who previously viewed themselves as untouchable, demonstrate that Nigerians are ready to reclaim their country. The electorate effectively challenged the inflated egos of the political elite, who often neglect the people once they attain office. It is evident that business as usual can no longer continue.

Despite the flaws that marred this election, INEC performed reasonably well. However, the commission must recognize that it cannot afford to take citizens for granted. It needs to prioritize logistics and ensure that its staff, whether permanent or temporary, meet integrity standards. This approach would help mitigate the numerous infractions reported on election day. The ongoing debate regarding whether the failure to deliver on the promises of the Biometric Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and Results Viewing Portal (IREV) is due to sabotage or technical failure remains unresolved. Regardless, INEC’s most significant shortcoming in this election was its lack of communication. The commission has attributed its poor performance to a system failure, but questions arise about when it became aware of the issue and why it did not proactively inform the public. By the evening of election day, complaints from voters across Nigeria were rampant. Around 7 p.m., Yiaga Africa issued a statement expressing concern about the failure to upload results. Later that evening, PDP candidate Alhaji Atiku Abubakar called on INEC officials to upload results from polling units on IREV, a request echoed by Labour Party Chairman Mr. Julius Abure in Delta and Lagos states. Why did INEC wait for these demands to arise? The commission’s failure to respond promptly to these complaints until the day after the elections was a significant oversight. The statement issued by its commissioner, Festus Okoye, fell short of established crisis management standards. This lack of proactive communication with stakeholders has created a crisis of confidence and trust that will continue to affect INEC’s reputation.

The PDP, on the other hand, has emerged as the biggest joke of this election season. The party, which has shown no capacity for self-reflection since its defeat in 2014, seems oblivious to its own shortcomings. A political party’s first responsibility is to energize its membership, yet the PDP, which ruled Nigeria for 16 years, has failed miserably in this regard. The discord between the party and Governors Nyesom Wike (Rivers), Samuel Ortom (Benue), Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi (Enugu), Seyi Makinde (Oyo), and Okezie Ikpeazu (Abia) mirrors the exodus of Atiku and five governors from the PDP to the APC in February 2014, which ultimately led to the defeat of former President Goodluck Jonathan in 2015. Interestingly, Abubakar was part of that 2014 defection because he could not realize his presidential ambitions within the PDP. Instead of learning from this history, he and his spokespersons behaved as if nothing was at stake. As the elections approached, PDP representatives spoke with unwarranted confidence, leading one to question the source of their optimism. In an article published on August 18, 2020, I argued that Atiku, not Wike, was the problem, emphasizing that anyone contesting against formidable opponents like Bola Tinubu and the rapidly rising Obi should not overlook the importance of alliances, especially with governors from states that have historically provided significant votes for the party.

Leadership is not merely about knowing what to do; it also requires the ability to focus on essential goals. It demands humility, service, and the capacity to empathize with others while sacrificing for the greater good. Atiku’s management of the PDP crisis is a reflection of his ability to unify Nigeria. If he cannot extinguish the flames of discord within his relatively small political party, how can he hope to foster peace and unity across the nation? The party entered the elections without five of its 14 governors and lost in all five states. The governors, too, are losing out, as personal interests take precedence over collective goals. The PDP’s second critical error was pushing Obi out of the party, as the results of this presidential election reveal that he has become its main rival. The arrogance and self-interest of key figures within the PDP blinded them to this reality.

Ultimately, the Nigerian people have regained their pride through this election. The results have reshaped the political landscape, creating significant upsets and altering long-standing political beliefs. For the first time in contemporary political history, a candidate lost pivotal states like Kano, Katsina, Sokoto, Kebbi, and Lagos but still emerged victorious in the presidential race. Yobe State also shifted its political allegiance to an opposition party. This election serves as a wake-up call to the APC, which has exhibited arrogance and overconfidence. At least seven governors lost their states to opposition parties in the presidential poll, with some failing to secure their own Senate bids. The electorate, who voted for Obi, also chose candidates from the Social Democratic Party and the PDP for the Senate, signaling a newfound awareness among the people. This election instills confidence in Nigerians that they own their country and can determine who governs them. Politicians who believe they can continue to take Nigerians for granted do so at their own peril.

Ifunanya

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