TOPE OMOGBOLAGUN writes that, after the general elections, the All Progressives Congress (APC) must manage the emergence of National Assembly leadership without repeating the crisis of 2015. Following the governorship and state Houses of Assembly elections, the APC faces a major challenge: determining how the leadership of the National Assembly will be chosen. At the first meeting with lawmakers‑elect on March 13, the party instructed its members to set aside the issue of National Assembly leadership and concentrate on winning the governorship and House of Assembly contests. National Chairman Adamu Abdullahi told the lawmakers‑elect to work for the party’s victory in the governorship elections, emphasizing that while members have the right to seek leadership positions, they must not create rifts within the party. He warned against treating national‑level offices as tribal or sectional rights and stressed that such positions are delicate matters that require seriousness and patience. Abdullahi recalled the 2015 episode, when some legislators ignored the president’s and party’s decisions on office allocation, which caused “bad blood” between the executive and the legislature, and urged the party not to repeat that mistake.
During the intense Monday meeting, President‑elect Bola Tinubu, represented by Vice President‑elect Kashim Shettima, announced that he had no preferred candidates for the leadership of either chamber of the 10th National Assembly. Nevertheless, lobbying continues among members. Some lawmakers, particularly former governors, are courting first‑time senators. One senator, speaking on condition of anonymity, said that despite being told to focus on the elections, aspirants are still lobbying for positions. He explained that “consultations are still ongoing, but some desperate contestants—especially former governors—are luring senators‑elect with promises of lucrative committee assignments in areas such as oil and gas, appropriations, finance, and TETFUND, where lawmakers earn significant oversight fees.”
The inauguration of the 10th Assembly is expected in June, after the certificates of return were issued to senators‑elect on March 7, 2023. According to INEC’s results for the February 25 elections, the APC won 57 Senate seats, while the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) secured 29. Smaller parties captured the remaining seats: All Progressives Grand Alliance (1), Labour Party (6), New Nigeria Peoples Party (2), Social Democratic Party (2) and Young Progressive Party (1). With a clear majority, parliamentary tradition dictates that the APC will form the majority caucus and nominate the presiding officers, while the PDP, as the second‑largest party, will provide the minority principal officers.
There is no written rule on when a senator may contest leadership positions, but it is generally believed that first‑timers should first become familiar with legislative practice. Among APC lawmakers who have openly declared intentions for the Senate Presidency are third‑term senator Jibrin Barau (Kano North), former Abia governor and senator Orji Kalu (Abia North), and Senator Ali Ndume (Borno South). Other potential candidates include Senator Sani Musa (Niger‑East), former Akwa‑Ibom governor Godswill Akpabio, former Edo governor Adams Oshiomhole (Edo North) and Dave Umahi (Ebonyi South). Some aspirants are still gauging party sentiment, while others have begun active lobbying. Senator Barau, for example, hosted a luncheon for more than 70 of the 109 senators in Abuja. Candidates are employing different strategies: some rely on zoning arguments, urging the party to allocate the Senate Presidency to the South‑East and the Deputy Senate Presidency to the South‑South; others argue that positions should be open to all zones based on competence rather than ethnicity or religion.
Analysts note that the South‑East and South‑South have called for power‑balancing arrangements to address perceived marginalisation. If the party follows the suggested formula, the contest could narrow to Kalu and Umahi, with Kalu possibly favored due to his experience as chief whip. Meanwhile, the North‑West, which contributes the highest presidential votes yet has never produced a Senate President, also claims marginalisation. A source close to Senator Barau, speaking anonymously, said the APC under Tinubu will consider national interests. The source praised Barau’s experience, noting his long‑standing role as chairman of the Appropriation Committee in both the House of Representatives and the Senate, and argued that zoning should not restrict qualified candidates, especially since the North‑West has not benefited from senior party positions.
Interest is also emerging from the North‑Central, where a caucus source indicated the zone might sacrifice the party’s National Chairman slot to secure the Senate Presidency. In the South‑South, Senator Akpabio’s media aide, Anietie Ekong, believes his principal has a strong chance of becoming Senate President, recalling Akpabio’s surprise election as Senate Minority Leader in 2015 and his return as a senior senator in 2023.
The APC appears determined to avoid the 2015 debacle, when Bukola Saraki, contrary to the party’s wishes, became Senate President after forming an alliance with opposition senators. In that episode, two groups—the Senate Unity Forum led by Barnabas Gemade and the Likeminded Senators led by Dino Melaye—emerged, undermining the party’s plan to install Ahmed Lawan as Senate President and Femi Gbajabiamila as Speaker. Advising the APC on preventing a repeat, Auwal Rafsanjani, Executive Director of Civil Society Legislative Advocacy, urged the ruling party to share political offices across zones to alleviate perceptions of marginalisation and to promote inclusive, democratic participation.
Comments are closed for this story.