In politics, soft power is a persuasive approach to international relations. A leader can use soft power by exerting economic, cultural, or reputational influence. Apart from his hard power, President Paul Kagame of Rwanda possesses soft power in abundance. As one of Africa’s longest‑serving leaders, Kagame wields this influence to deflect international criticism of his authoritarianism and human‑rights abuses.
I have been tracking developments in Africa’s governance, democracy, integration, and peace‑keeping as a political scientist. In my view, the recent Paul Rusesabagina saga was the first serious misstep that dented Kagame’s image and influence in the West, though it will likely prove only a temporary hiccup. Rwanda organised the extraordinary rendition of Rusesabagina in August 2020. Rusesabagina, a permanent U.S. resident and vocal critic of Kagame, is internationally known for saving a thousand Tutsis during the genocide—a story dramatized in the Hollywood film *Hotel Rwanda*. He was abducted in Dubai, flown to Kigali, and tried on charges of supporting insurgents, ultimately receiving a 25‑year prison sentence. The trial and jailing sparked a stronger outcry in the West than any previous Rwandan actions, including alleged assassinations. The U.S. government spent months negotiating with Kagame for Rusesabagina’s release, straining bilateral relations.
Kagame’s phenomenal power—both soft and hard—originates from the 1994 genocide, in which about 800,000 Tutsi and moderate Hutu were massacred in 100 days. The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), led by Kagame, overthrew the genocidal regime within three months. Since then, he has enjoyed a level of Western deference comparable to that afforded to Israeli governments, viewed as heirs of genocide survivors. Unlike many African presidents for life who enrich themselves personally, Kagame channels wealth into the ruling party. The RPF’s holding company, Crystal Ventures, dominates the Rwandan stock exchange, and the party efficiently solicits donations from the Tutsi diaspora. Rwanda also enjoys a glowing Western reputation for gender reforms: its parliament holds the world record for women’s representation at 61 %, and women serve in record numbers as non‑executive directors of Rwandan companies.
Two of Kagame’s actions have earned pan‑African admiration. First, his government imposed import duties on second‑hand U.S. clothing to protect domestic manufacturers, standing firm when the United States removed Rwanda from the African Growth and Opportunity Act. Second, in 2016 the African Union appointed Kagame to head a commission recommending AU reforms; although few recommendations were implemented, his proposal for a 0.2 % tax on imports (the Kaberuka reform) was adopted unevenly.
Kagame has leveraged soft power to deploy hard power, thereby generating more soft power. In 2021 he sent 1,000 soldiers to Mozambique’s gas‑rich northern Cabo Delgado province. Officially peacekeepers, the troops also guarded Total Energies’ oil and gas installations against an Islamist insurgency, arriving before the Southern African Development Community could deploy its own force. Subsequently, a civil‑engineering subsidiary of Crystal Ventures secured contracts for clearing and structural work on the Mozambique gas fields. Similarly, 700 Rwandan troops are in Benin, assisting the government in suppressing a local Islamist insurgency. These peace‑keeping missions win allies for Rwanda each time a vote is taken in the African Union.
Kagame’s government also projects itself as an indispensable ally of Western states. He has pursued partnerships with successful European football clubs to market Rwanda globally, and Rwanda has signed treaties with Israel and the United Kingdom—both under right‑wing governments—to accept deported illegal immigrants. These migrants receive a brief period of accommodation before being left to fend for themselves. Such actions enabled Rwanda’s admission to the Commonwealth, despite never having been a British colony.
Criticism of Rwanda’s government has grown in the West, focusing on its tendency to arrest opponents and, reportedly, assassinate critics who have never taken up arms. Activists have “disappeared,” and the regime’s impunity has encouraged overreach. The Rusesabagina abduction marked the first serious dent in Western admiration for Kagame. Alleged Rwandan backing of the Congolese M23 rebels could soon create another rift with the West and raise concerns among AU members regarding the Democratic Republic of Congo. Kagame’s soft power has tangible consequences for Rwandans: extraterritorial assassinations signal a grim outlook for human rights and governance in the Great Lakes region and across the continent. Kagame will need to learn the limits and repercussions of soft power.
— Keith Gottschalk, Political Scientist, University of the Western Cape
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