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Chad kidnapping crisis fueled by women’s hidden roles

Kidnapping for ransom has become a pervasive form of organized crime in Chad, especially in the southern border region with […]

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Kidnapping for ransom has become a pervasive form of organized crime in Chad, especially in the southern border region with Cameroon and the Central African Republic. What began as opportunistic local banditry in the 1990s has evolved into a nationwide economy of crime and conflict. Although regional differences exist, the dominant narrative portrays men as perpetrators and women as victims. Experts argue that this narrow view overlooks the complex roles women play in sustaining kidnapping economies.

Women are not only direct or indirect victims of kidnapping; they also act as informants, enablers, clients, and even perpetrators. In some cases, female kidnappers have been arrested and imprisoned in Chad. Women may provide personal information that helps perpetrators target potential victims, or they may shelter male kidnappers in their homes. Additionally, women can be clients, arranging abductions for personal reasons such as punishing a family member or seeking financial gain.

The involvement of women in kidnapping economies is often concealed by local gender norms that discourage female participation in crime and violence. Consequently, policy responses have ignored the deeper gendered dynamics that enable these economies. A lack of gender‑focused research and sparse media coverage of kidnappings have further contributed to the persistence of the problem.

To address Chad’s kidnapping crisis, it is essential to adopt a gender‑informed approach that recognizes women as multidimensional actors. This requires incorporating analyses of gender norms, sexual commodification, and women’s mobilization into research, media reporting, and security policy. By acknowledging the complex roles women play, policymakers can develop more effective responses to prevent kidnappings and build resilience.

The failure to address women’s multiple roles has significant security implications, leaving entire segments of kidnapping economies untouched and prolonging insecurity. A deliberate shift is needed to break this cycle. Policymakers must ask new questions about how gendered norms shape participation in kidnapping and how sexual and economic economies intersect. Engaging women as actors rather than solely as victims offers the possibility of more sustainable solutions to Chad’s kidnapping crisis.

Ifunanya

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