Research has identified two principal “twin evils” that undermine the credibility of Nigeria’s elections: violence and vote buying, which I refer to as vote trading because it involves both buyers and sellers. Some observers suspected that the redesign of the N200, N500, and N1,000 banknotes by the outgoing administration, through the Central Bank of Nigeria, was intended to curb vote trading during the 2023 polls. In a nationwide broadcast on February 16, 2023, President Major General Muhammadu Buhari (retd) acknowledged this, stating in paragraphs 21 and 22 that the new monetary policy had “contributed immensely to the minimisation of the influence of money in politics…a bold legacy step…towards laying a strong foundation for free and fair elections.” Whether the policy truly curbed vote trading remains debatable.
Nigeria’s legal framework already addresses vote buying. Sections 121 and 127 of the Electoral Act 2022 criminalise bribery and related conspiracies. Section 121 makes it an offence to corruptly give any gift, loan, offer, promise, procurement or agreement to induce a person to secure a legislative or elective office, or to obtain a vote. Sub‑section 4 provides that anyone convicted of bribery faces a maximum fine of N500,000, imprisonment for up to 12 months, or both. Section 127 similarly penalises anyone who, after an election is announced, corruptly gives or provides money to influence voting, or who, as a voter, accepts such inducements. Offenders under this provision face a fine of N100,000, imprisonment for up to 12 months, or both. Notably, both the giver and the receiver are criminally liable.
In the lead‑up to and during the February 25 and March 18 general elections, desperate politicians employed a variety of inducements. Beyond cash, voters were swayed by food items, clothing, and sudden charitable acts by the political class. On March 24, Chief Frank Nweke Jr., the All Progressives Grand Alliance candidate in the March 18 Enugu State governorship race and former Minister of Information and Culture, alleged that “the most vulnerable and impoverished became prey to vote buying by some political parties with as little as N500 or packets of noodles. At Udenu, parties competed for votes with N2,000, a plate of jollof rice, okpa, and a bottle of soda.”
Idayat Hassan, Executive Director of the Centre for Democracy and Development, reported that data from 1,500 observers showed more instances of vote buying during the governorship elections than in the February 25 presidential poll, a trend observed across all six geopolitical zones. In the North‑West, observers in all seven states recorded increased vote trading by party agents, who used money alongside food, wrappers and “credit vouchers” redeemable after results. In the North‑East, agents in Taraba infiltrated voting queues, posed as voters and offered cash. In the South‑East, APGA and LP agents used phones and other souvenirs to entice voters in Anambra State. In the South‑South, several states reported that agents demanded proof of voting before paying, compiling voter lists in Esan Central LGA, Edo State.
Yiaga Africa, another civil‑society group, confirmed 15 cases of vote buying and bribery across eight states during the governorship elections. Chief Ezenwa Nwagu, a board member, described how voters were “wooed and ridiculously patronised” to sell their votes. Yiaga observers noted that in Sarkin Mudu Polling Unit (016), Giade LGA, Bauchi State, PDP agents bribed accredited voters with N1,000, a wrapper and a pack of spaghetti each, receiving ballot papers in exchange. A similar incident was reported in PU 006, Rangan Ward, Warji LGA, where voters received wrappers, N2,000 and a pack of spaghetti.
The European Union Election Observation Mission’s preliminary report (March 20, 2023) observed high expenditure on publicity and state resources in governorship races, while Senate and House of Assembly campaigns were less visible. Although a cash shortage was thought to limit vote buying, other inducements persisted. The EU noted distributions of food and goods in Kaduna, Katsina, Benue, Adamawa and Akwa Ibom. Sudden charitable acts also signalled voter inducement; for example, the Lagos State Government released impounded vehicles free of charge and relaxed traffic‑offender arrests just two weeks before the governorship poll.
The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) announced the arrest of 65 individuals for alleged vote buying across the 28 states holding governorship and state assembly elections. EFCC Media and Publicity Head Wilson Uwujaren detailed arrests by various zonal commands: 20 suspects in Ilorin, 13 in Kaduna, 12 in Port Harcourt, four in Uyo (Calabar), and additional arrests in Gombe, Sokoto, Kebbi and Niger. The agency identified cash, transfers, coupons and recharge cards as the primary tools used to induce voters. The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission also reported arrests: four vote buyers in Sokoto and Katsina on March 18, and nine individuals in Osun, Ondo, Borno, Akwa Ibom and Sokoto during the presidential and National Assembly elections.
While the cash crunch caused by the redesigned naira may have reduced the use of cash for vote buying, politicians and their agents devised other inventive methods to influence voters. It is hoped that those arrested by anti‑corruption agencies will be prosecuted, serving as a deterrent to future vote‑buying attempts.
Twitter: @jideojong
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