Daniel Ayantoye examines the failure of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in the South‑East, a region that was once a stronghold. Since 1999, the PDP has been a dominant force at both national and sub‑national levels. Even after losing the 2015 presidential election—despite expectations of a 60‑year rule—it remained the main opposition party, retaining firm control of the South‑South and South‑East geopolitical zones and a few states elsewhere. Historically, any candidate bearing the PDP ticket was virtually guaranteed victory.
The 2019 elections marked a turning point. The party lost several states in the South‑East to the All Progressives Congress (APC) after Governors Dave Umahi of Ebonyi and Ben Ayade of Cross River defected. In both the February 25 presidential and National Assembly elections and the March 18 governorship and state Assembly elections, the PDP suffered unprecedented defeats, losing many states and seats. Nevertheless, it still won all 24 seats in the Enugu State House of Assembly, all nine seats in Ebonyi, 19 of 24 seats in Abia, and 13 of 27 seats in Imo, giving it a majority in the 9th State Assembly. In Anambra, however, the APGA‑dominated Assembly won 24 of 30 seats. At the federal level, the PDP swept all National Assembly seats in Ebonyi and Enugu, secured two of three senatorial seats and five of eight federal constituencies in Abia, and won all three senatorial seats and six of 11 House of Representatives seats in Anambra. These gains were reversed in the 2023 poll, further eroding the party’s South‑East dominance.
The 2023 elections left the PDP with only one governorship—Enugu—after losing Abia to Labour Party (LP) candidate Alex Otti. The LP also captured all five South‑East states in the presidential race, including Abia and Enugu, where PDP incumbents had governed. Several incumbent PDP legislators were unseated by the LP, such as Kevin Chukwu, who won the Enugu East senatorial seat over PDP incumbent Chimaroke Nnamani. In Enugu, the governorship contest was tightly fought between the LP and the PDP; Peter Mbah of the PDP narrowly won with 160,895 votes against LP’s Chijioke Edeoga, who garnered 157,552 votes. Edeoga denounced the result as a theft of democratic will. The Independent National Electoral Commission reported that only seven PDP members—one senator and six House representatives—won seats in the 10th National Assembly, leaving the party with just seven of the 58 South‑East seats, a stark contrast to its former near‑total control.
Analysts attribute the PDP’s loss to several internal and strategic failures. The departure of Peter Obi, the LP presidential candidate and native of Anambra, along with New Nigeria Peoples Party’s Rabiu Kwankwaso, weakened the PDP’s base. Obi’s candidacy energized the South‑East, and his strong polling turned the LP into a formidable force across all elections. Moreover, the PDP’s refusal to zone the presidential ticket to the South‑East alienated regional leaders, including governors Okezie Ikpeazu (Abia) and Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi (Enugu), who joined the “G‑5” dissent. Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide publicly endorsed Obi, citing the long‑standing zoning principle that it was the South‑East’s turn to produce the president in 2023.
Political scientist Ezeani Onyebuchi of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, argued that internal party crises crippled the PDP’s performance. He noted that about 90 % of LP voters would have supported the PDP if not for the party’s internal divisions and Obi’s defection. Onyebuchi emphasized that Obi’s candidacy reshaped the South‑East political landscape, especially after the election postponement from March 11 to March 18, which sustained momentum for the LP. In Anambra, APGA secured only 16 votes, while the LP, PDP, and others received far fewer. In Enugu, the LP won seven of eight House of Representatives seats, two of three senatorial seats, and a majority in the State Assembly.
Vice‑president of the Nigeria Political Science Association, Makodi Nnabugwu, also blamed the PDP’s defeat on its failure to zone the presidential ticket to the South‑East. He contended that had the PDP nominated a Southern candidate—ideally Obi—it would have retained the region’s support. Nnabugwu highlighted that the South‑East votes based on perceived benefits rather than ethnicity, pointing to past support for northern presidents such as Olusegun Obasanjo, Umaru Yar’Adua, and Goodluck Jonathan despite local candidates being available.
Professor of Psychology Ifeagwazi Chuka of UNN linked the PDP’s loss to poor regional leadership and a lack of internal democracy. He observed that after 24 years of PDP dominance, the party delivered few tangible achievements, prompting voters to embrace the LP as a fresh, hopeful alternative. Chuka noted that the PDP’s candidate selection process was opaque, with many members feeling sidelined.
Supporting this view, Ezenwa Nwagwu, chairman of Partner for Electoral Reforms, criticized the PDP’s mismanagement of candidate selection, arguing that a divided party cannot win elections. He lamented the party’s inability to reconcile disgruntled governors, which led to defections and the erosion of its South‑East grip. Nwagwu cited specific state examples: Enugu’s decline after Sullivan Chime, Ebonyi’s shift under Governor Umahi, and the complex, violence‑ridden politics of Imo, which further hampered PDP prospects. He warned that without introspection, the PDP risks extinction.
Finally, PDP National Publicity Secretary Debo Ologunagba, speaking to *Saturday* magazine, rejected the election results and called for a review of the electoral process. He questioned the fairness of the outcome, urging scrutiny of whether the elections were conducted with integrity or marred by chaos and deceit, and emphasizing the need to address systemic issues rather than merely accept the results.
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