Nigeria is approaching another general election, offering citizens the chance to choose new leadership at both federal and state levels. Candidates emerged from the primaries conducted by 18 political parties in 2022, and the 2023 elections are scheduled for February 25 and March 11. Political pundits note that Nigerian women have cleared one of two major hurdles: becoming party candidates. The second hurdle—winning elections—remains formidable. Gender advocates have criticized the primary outcomes for the low number of female candidates, arguing that the country is not yet ready to embrace gender equality and equal participation in politics and governance.
In Nigeria, factors beyond an aspirant’s popularity and competence often determine who wins a party’s ticket, including cultural and ethno‑religious considerations. Consequently, some regions produce more female political leaders than others. Across the six geopolitical zones—South‑West, South‑East, South‑South, North‑Central, North‑East, and North‑West—the distribution of female candidates varies markedly. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Nigeria’s electoral umpire, released a list of candidates fielded by the 18 parties. A total of 1,524 women will contest the polls, underscoring the low percentage of female participation. For example, the presidential race features 36 candidates and their running mates, but only the Allied Peoples Movement has a female presidential candidate, Ojei Princess Chichi. In the National Assembly, about 1,101 candidates vie for the 109 Senate seats and 3,122 for the 360 House of Representatives seats. Of the 4,223 legislative candidates, 3,875 are men and only 381 are women—92 for the Senate and 288 for the House. Moreover, several states—Kano, Sokoto, Taraba, Yobe, and Zamfara—did not field any female Senate candidates, and Jigawa State presented no female House candidates.
At the state level, governorship elections will be held in 28 of the 36 states. Across these states and parties, 837 candidates and running mates are contesting, but only 124 are women. For the House of Assembly elections, 10,231 candidates have been nominated, of whom just 1,019 are female. This chronic under‑representation has persisted for decades. Since Nigeria returned to democracy 24 years ago, the country has held seven general elections (1999, 2003, 2007, 2011, 2015, 2019, and 2023). Despite population and economic growth, women’s political participation remains minimal. While Nigerian women excel in private and public sectors, politics remains a domain they struggle to conquer. Since 1999, the nation has had four presidents and over 100 state governors, yet no woman has ever been elected president, vice‑president, or governor, nor has any woman served as Senate president or deputy Senate president. Notable female presidential aspirants include Sarah Jibril, Prof Remi Sonaiya, and Oby Ezekwesili. The judiciary is the only federal branch where a woman has reached the pinnacle, with Justice Aloma Mukhtar serving as Chief Justice of Nigeria—a non‑elective, merit‑based appointment.
At the state level, Virginia Etiaba of Anambra State briefly served as governor after Peter Obi’s impeachment in 2006, but her tenure ended when the impeachment was nullified. Several women have served as deputy governors, particularly in the South‑West, and a few have chaired state Houses of Assembly, such as Mrs Titi Oseni, the first female Speaker in Ogun State. Efforts by women in the National Assembly to create an enabling political environment have repeatedly stalled. In July 2017, the Senate voted against affirmative‑action proposals—35 % at the federal level and 20 % at the state level—and rejected an amendment to Section 25 of the 1999 Constitution that would allow married women to choose their state of origin for election purposes.
The current 9th National Assembly has also struggled to advance gender‑friendly reforms. On March 8 2022, the House reversed its stance on three gender‑related bills (Bills 36, 37, 38) during the ongoing constitutional amendment process. Bill 36 seeks to grant citizenship by registration to foreign spouses of Nigerians; Bill 37 proposes a 35 % affirmative‑action quota for women in political party administration; Bill 38 would allow women married to men from another state to become indigene of that state after five years of residence, making them eligible for public office there. Dropped bills included Bill 35, which would create special seats for women in national and state legislatures, and Bill 68, which would reserve quotas for women in executive councils and ministerial positions. Speaker Femi Gbajabiamila indicated that the three revived bills would be reconsidered in a second batch of amendments within about four weeks.
During a Commonwealth Women Parliamentarians event commemorating International Women’s Day 2021 in Abuja, Gbajabiamila pledged to amend the constitution to remove barriers hindering women’s political participation. Commonwealth Chair Zainab Gimba emphasized that women’s advancement does not displace men but seeks equal opportunity in a gender‑balanced world. In April 2021, Gbajabiamila advocated constitutional provisions guaranteeing a more equal society where both men and women can contribute fully to national development. House Committee on Women Affairs Chair Oriyomi Onanuga called for “re‑engineering” the constitution and the Electoral Act to reflect equity. On March 10 2021, House Committee on Women in Parliament Chair Taiwo Oluga proposed an amendment ensuring at least one female senator per state, which would secure a minimum of one‑third female representation in the Senate. Deputy Chief Whip Nkeiruka Onyejeocha and 85 other members proposed creating 111 additional seats in the National Assembly exclusively for women, raising the Senate from 109 to 146 seats and the House from 360 to 434 seats. Onyejeocha noted that women hold only 4.4 % of seats in the 9th National Assembly, making Nigeria the worst performer in women’s parliamentary representation in West Africa and one of the lowest in Africa (ranked 179 of 187 countries by the Inter‑Parliamentary Union).
Despite these initiatives, none of the gender bills passed both chambers. Even the presence of the president’s and vice‑president’s wives—Aisha Buhari and Dolapo Osinbajo—did not sway the outcome. The bills were excluded from the 44 measures transmitted to state assemblies for concurrence; only 35 have been voted on and sent to the president for assent. In 2020, civil‑society organisations sued the federal government for violating the 2006 National Gender Policy’s 35 % affirmative‑action target, alleging unlawful marginalisation of women in decision‑making positions under President Muhammadu Buhari.
Onanuga, reflecting on the low number of female candidates, acknowledged the challenges but urged continued advocacy: “It does not feel good. It is not uhuru yet. We are not happy with the situation as it is. We have to keep talking. We cannot give up.” She warned that without sustained effort, the modest 10 % female candidacy could regress to the 2 % representation seen in the 9th Assembly. While the House reversed its stance on three of the five gender bills, their passage depends on acceptance by critical stakeholders, including state assemblies. When asked about the likelihood of enactment before the 9th Assembly ends, Onanuga could not provide a definitive answer, emphasizing that state houses will ultimately decide the bills’ fate. The Senate, by contrast, has signalled no intention to revisit the bills, underscoring the need for both chambers to act before the proposals can proceed to the states for concurrence.
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